"The surrender to a regime of correctness is
a surrender to Jerusalem. It is a strict divergence from Athens and its spirit."
Introduction by Gilad Atzmon: Elias Davidsson wasn’t happy with my recent expose of his tribal sabotage attempt of the 9/11 truth movement and so he took revenge: a one star Amazon book review. His review collects Being in Time’s most spectacular gems presumably with the hope that this pile of quotes will finish me off once and for all. Here is the bad news for Davidsson and his operators -- I take pride in each of these cherry picked quotes. I plan to circulate them one by one in the coming weeks and monitor how they affect my Amazon ranking. I will let others decide whether these quotes are “post-factual,” “presumptuous” or “deceptive” as Davidsson describes them. For the time being, I would like to thank the son of David for, once again, providing us with a window into the depths of tribal morbidity and delusional detachment.a surrender to Jerusalem. It is a strict divergence from Athens and its spirit."
***I chose to quote a number of statements from his book, in chronological order as they appear in the book, which describe fairly the author’s world-view and the book’s tenor. As in other writings by the same author, his obsession with Jewishness only appears gradually, after the author has established his erudite credentials. If I have to sum the book with two adjectives that best describe this book, they will have to be "presumptuous" and "deceptive."
To facilitate reading, I left out quotation marks, except when these are included by the author.
A philosophical view of fascism is that it represents an attempt to integrate the ‘ought to be’ into the ‘here and now’. It offers a ‘third position’ that attempts to synthesize Left and Right (equality and ownership) into a productive, nationalist, authoritarian political system that reflects a perception of the people’s will. p. 29
Fascism was a political attempt to touch or even transcend into the Real, to bond the ‘Political’ with the innermost human by means of poeticism, aesthetic, the will and even irrationality. Fascism made people into God. It was doomed to fail. p. 30
Fascism merged the Left egalitarian utopia with Right rootedness, mass production and private ownership. p. 33
The attempted elimination of essentialism, categorisation and generalisation has placed political correctness in opposition to human nature. The ability to think in essential terms, to generalise and to form categories is inherent to the human condition and to human survival. p. 38
In fact, philosophy is the art of essentialist thinking. It is the attempt to dig into the core of things in a categorical manner. Naturally, those who advocate political correctness are often at the forefront of the battle against philosophy and essentialism. p. 38
In the long run, the social requirement to be politically correct contributes to the eradication of individual and authentic thinking. It operates like a Trojan Horse spyware that is planted in each of us. p. 38
I postulate that the most devastating aspect of political correctness is the manner in which it interferes with an authentic bond between the subject and the object...It opposes the core of the Athenian search for truth within the Western intellectual ethos. Instead, we succumb to a Jerusalemite set of ‘commandments’ that tell us what is right and who is wrong. p. 39
From a philosophical perspective, Jerusalem and Athens share no common methodology. The surrender to a regime of correctness is a surrender to Jerusalem. It is a strict divergence from Athens and its spirit. p. 40
Orwell’s ‘Newspeak’ is a visionary description of the ‘politically correct’ culture to come. [...] Interestingly, Orwell’s ‘Newspeak’ was inspired by Judaic monotheistic exceptionalism. p. 43
Working class apathy towards the Left is understandable. The worker, the ‘proletarian’, draws confidence and pride from the flag, nationalism and rootedness in his soil. p. 51
For the lower classes, the flag is a symbol of belonging that offers a true sense of collective diversity - we are one against all odds - in spite of socio-economic differences. p. 52
The British workers who follow Farage are not bothered that Farage is a veteran city Mammonite. They see in him one of their own because (from a nationalist perspective) he is one of them. p. 52
Working people are often proudly nationalistic and patriotic. They are proud of their aristocracy and even align themselves with the rich and the elite. When Donald Trump Jr. was asked to explain his dad’s popularity amongst workers his answer was straightforward. “I’ve always called him the blue-collar billionaire because that’s what he is. He is able to talk to those people. He’s not talking at them. He’s talking with them.” p. 52-3
Dividing society into ID sectarian groups can be understood as an attempt to break nations and people into a manifold of godless communities that are interconnected globally. If I am correct here, then one way to evaluate the ID apparatus is as a successful attempt to ‘Jewify’ the social order on a global scale. p. 57
On a deeper level, if ID politics and cultural Marxism are largely Jewish political schools of thought, it is no surprise that the opposition to cultural Marxism and ID politics are also largely put forth by Jews. In other words, if cultural Marxism or ID politics are Jewish revolutionary ‘diseases’, Jews were the most able and first to resist these symptoms simply because they possess the intellectual, cultural and spiritual anti-bodies. p. 76
The revolutionary Jews didn’t believe in God or keep the Sabbath but they were killing Spanish Catholics and often burning their churches, something Rabbinical Jews never die. p. 78
As practiced, history can be regarded as a system of suppression. This places the real historian in a role similar to that of the psychoanalyst: both aim to reveal the repressed. p. 80
The ‘real historian’ is actually a philosopher, an essentialist, a thinker who posits the question: “What does it mean to be in the world within the context of temporality and Being?”...He or she transcends the singular, the particular and the personal, searching for that which truly drives our past, present and future, namely the essence. p. 82
The progressive historical account is there to produce a non-essentialist, safe account of the past [...] For instance, the Guardian bans any criticism of Jewish culture or Jewishness. p. 81
Judaism provides a prototypical example of intolerance, but sadly, it is not the only one. There are many other ‘Jewish’ religions, each with its own brand of intolerance. In order to qualify as a Jewish religion, a precept, idea or a realm of thought must include clear rules of disengagement. Such rules must clearly define who is ‘in’ and who is ‘out', who is ’included’ and who is ‘excluded’. For Judaism it is the Goyim; the Holocaust has its deniers, the Freudians hate the Jungians and the Behaviorists, the Marxists have the Bourgeoisie, the Zionists have the ‘antis’ and the ‘antis have the Zionists. And the progressives exclude the White reactionaries, or, shall we just say, all those who voted for Donald Trump. p. 135
Popular belief holds that it is ‘right wing’ Zionists who facilitate Jewish power, but this is woefully inadequate as an explanation. It is actually the ‘good’, the ‘enlightened’ and the ‘progressive’ who ensure that Jewish power is the most effective and forceful power in America and beyond. It is the ‘progressives’ and ‘liberals’ who do the most to interfere with our ability to identify the Judeo-centric politics at the heart of neo-conservatism, American imperialism and foreign policy. It is the so-called ‘anti’ Zionist who effectively blurs our cognisance that Israel is the Jewish state (as it defines itself). After all, if Israel decorates its tanks, flags and bombs with Jewish symbols, should not the rest of us be entitled to ask who are the Jews, what is Judaism, what is Jewishness and how are those three related? p. 145
Democracy Now, probably the leading American dissident outlet, has never discussed the Jewish lobby with Professors Mearsheimer, Walt, Petras, Israel Shamir or myself, the leading experts on the topic, who could have informed the American people about how the USA’s foreign policy is dominated by the Jewish lobby. p. 148
I offer no original criticism of the dark forces within the capitalist apparatus. These issues were raised almost a century ago by Henry Ford, probably the most innovative industrialist in the history of the American people. In his book The international Jew (1920), the eccentric industrialist who voluntarily used company profits to increase workers’ wages, pointed to the corrosive impact of Mammonism....According to Ford, the ‘international Jew’ wasn’t interested in production or farming. For Ford, the international Jew sat on Wall Street and speculated on other people’s fates, desires, currency, stocks, or shall we say, future. p. 152
Why did America remain unaffected by this visionary capitalist [Henry Ford] and his writings? The Old Testament provides an answer. The Hebrew Bible is a chronicle of shunned prophets. Jewish culture contains a set of strategies designed to suppress visionary and critical voices. The Biblical prophets and their successors are dismissed one after the other: Christ is nailed to the cross, Spinoza was excommunicated and Marxism became a popular Jewish religion just to make sure that the ‘revolution’ remained in safe hands. p. 152-3
No doubt Ford wasn’t suffused with love for the Jews; he may have been a crude Jew hater, but his opposition to the Jewish money-movers was not racial hatred or bigotry towards Jews as a group. As mentioned above, The International Jew focuses on only a tiny sector of the Jewish universe. p. 153
The international bankers and financiers who brought America and the world to its knees are no abstract category. They are people with faces and names. I guess that in 2016 America, pointing at Wall Street leaders is much the same as burning a synagogue. p. 154
Cognitive partitioning, eugenics and biologism were deeply rooted in early Zionist thinking. p. 171
The Jewish world is not a democratic apparatus, nor does it claim to be. In the Jewish universe, led by the Jewish cognitive elite, it is mammon that sets the tone. All that matters is where billionaire investors George Soros, Haim Saban and Sheldon Adelson put their money. These oligarchs have an impact that far exceeds the fate of the Jewish state or even of the Jewish people – they, and others like them, truly shape the American universe. p. 173
The cognitive partitioning that is now apparent within almost every Western society, is basically an exact replica of the partitioning we observed earlier within Jewish traditional society. Just as in traditional Jewish society, in society as a whole we now experience a complete (geographical, socio-economic and cultural) segregation between the abled and those whoa re just left behind. Is it a coincidence that the cognitive partitioning that today divides America is identical with that which divided European Jewish traditional society two hundred years ago? p. 177
Karl Marx thought capitalism was a ‘Jewish problem’. In his article On the Jewish Question, he contended that in order for the world to liberate itself from capitalism, it had better emancipate itself from the Jews. So, it seems, that, at times and repeatedly, Jewish dissenters and intellectuals agree with the Goyim and the anti-Semites that something is wrong with the Jews, or at least with some Jews. p. 188
Modern Jewish history indicates that many things, can become a ‘Jewish problem’: Palestine, banking, Wall Street, neocon wars, ID politics, cultural Marxism, cultural hegemony within Hollywood and the media – are just some of the explosive topics that have been associated with the Jews, their culture and power. Typically, Jews use different measures such as legislation and political correctness to stifle discussion of such topics and the roles of Jews within them. p. 189
[The] Palestine solidarity is now an internal Jewish affair with Palestinians alienated and estranged from the discussion about their own liberation. p. 191
Looking back at the Left/Right dispute with historical perspective, we may discover that what at the time seemed an earth-shattering struggle was in fact a relatively minor feud between a few bankers and some cultural Marxists. p. 203-4
If Marx was right and capitalism is a Jewish symptom, is it any surprise that, with our other herd of Jewish revolutionary theoretical GPs (Marx, Trotsky, Rosa Luxemburg, Wilhelm Reich, Adorno, Marcuse, the Frankfurt School etc.), we have failed to find a remedy? p. 207
In this book, I have shone a light into the matrix of controlled opposition and it is clear to me that creating and maintaining dissent in order to control opposition is deeply embedded in modern, Jewish, secular politics...There are no conspiracies here. Chomsky, Goodman, Adorno and Breitbart are not necessarily consciously deceiving us; indeed, they may well be doing their best, within the context of a limited tribal mindset. The truth is, they cannot think out of the box, they cannot climb over the ghetto walls that enclose their own tribal beings. p. 208
https://www.amazon.co.uk/review/R2Z1N8JJT7S4M/ref=pe_1572281_66412651_cm_rv_eml_rv0_rv
1.0 out of 5 stars
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