'Israel's permanent war system'
By Edward S. Herman: Diana Johnstone recently published a very
good book on Hillary Clinton entitled Queen of Chaos (Counterpunch Books,
2015). Johnstone justifies the title through her convincing critical
examination of Clinton’s performance as Secretary of State as well as her
broader record of opinions and actions. But Clinton served under President
Barack Obama, and the policies which she pushed while in office were of
necessity approved by her superior, who worked with her in “a credible
partnership”.1
And after Mrs. Clinton’s exit from office Mr. Obama carried on with replacement
John Kerry in a largely similar and not very peaceable mode. Most important was
their 2014 escalation of hostilities toward Russia with the coup d’etat in
Kiev, anger at the responsive Russian absorption of Crimea, warfare in Eastern
Ukraine, and U.S.-sponsored sanctions against Russia for its alleged
“aggression.”
There was also simmering tension over Syria, with U.S. and client
state support of rebels and jihadists attempting to overthrow the Assad
government, and with Russia (and Iran and Hezbollah) backing Assad. There was
also Obama’s widening use of drone warfare and declared right and intention to
bomb any perceived threat to U.S. “national security” anyplace on earth.
In any case, if Hillary Clinton was Queen of Chaos, Obama is surely King. If
Iraq, Libya and Syria have been reduced to a chaotic state, Obama has a heavy
responsibility for these developments, although Iraq’s downward spiral is in
large measure allocable to the Bush-Cheney regime. The Syrian crisis has
intensified, with Russia providing substantial air support that has turned the
tide in favor of Assad and threatened collapse of the U.S.-Saudi-Turkish
campaign of regime change. This remains a dangerous situation with Turkey
threatening more aggressive action and the Obama-Kerry team still unwilling to
accept defeat.2 Yemen has also descended into chaos in the Obama years, and
although Saudi Arabia is the main direct villain in this case, the Obama
administration provides much of the weaponry and diplomatic protection for this
aggression and for several years has done some drone bombing of Yemen on its
own. A fair amount of chaos also characterizes Israel-Palestine, Egypt, Tunisia
and Morocco, along with many sub-Saharan regimes (Mali, South Sudan, Ethiopia,
Burundi, etc.). The leadership of the superpower with long-standing predominant
influence over this region must be given substantial (dis)credit for this
widening chaotic state, which has produced the main body of refugees flooding
into Europe and elsewhere and the surge of retail terrorism.
It is often alleged that this chaos reflects a terrible failure of U.S. policy.
This is debatable. Three states that were independent and considered enemy
states by Israel and many U.S. policy-makers and influentials–Iraq, Libya and
Syria–have been made into failed states and may be in the process of
dismemberment. Libya had been ruled by a man, Moammar Gaddafi, who was the most
important leader seeking an Africa free of Western domination; he was chairman
of the African Union in 2009, two years before his overthrow and murder. His
exit led quickly to the advance of the United States African Command (Africom)
and U.S.-African state “partnerships” to combat “terrorism”—that is, to a major
setback to African independence and progress.3 The chaos in Ukraine and Syria
has been a great windfall for the U.S.beneficiaries of the permanent war
system, for whom contracts are flowing and job advancement and security are on
the upswing. For them the King of Chaos has done well and his policies have
been successful.
There has been little publicity and debate addressing President Obama’s new and
major contribution to the nuclear arms race and the threat of nuclear war. In
April 2009 Mr. Obama claimed a “commitment to seek the peace and security of a
world without nuclear weapons”.4 And on the release of a Nuclear Posture Review
on April 6, 2010 he stated that the United States would “not develop new
nuclear warheads or pursue new military missions or new capabilities for
nuclear weapons.” But he wasted no time in violating these promises, embarking
soon on a nuclear “modernization” program that involved the development of an
array of nuclear weapons that made their use more thinkable (smaller, more accurate,
less lethal).
The New York Times reported that “The B61 Model 12, the bomb flight-tested in
Nevada last year, is the first of five new warhead types planned as part of an
atomic revitalization estimated to cost up to $1 trillion over three decades. As
a family, the weapons and their delivery systems move toward the small, the
stealthy and the precise. Already there are hints of a new arms race. Russia
called the B61 tests ‘irresponsible’ and ‘openly provocative.’ China is said to
be especially worried about plans for a nuclear-tipped cruise missile.”5 The
Times does cite a number of U.S. analysts who consider this enterprise
dangerous as well as “unaffordable and unneeded”.6 But the modernization plan
has not aroused much comment or widespread concern. And it would very likely be
considered too modest by all the leading Republican presidential candidates.7
What is driving Obama to move in such an anti-social direction, perversely
generating threats to national security and wasting vast resources that are
urgently needed by the civil society?8 Obama is a weak president, operating in
a political economy and political environment that even a strong president
could not easily manage. The military-industrial complex is much stronger now
than it was in January 1961 when Eisenhower, in his Farewell Speech, warned of
its “acquisition of unwarranted influence” and consequent threat to the
national well-being. The steady stream of wars has entrenched it further, and
the pro-Israel lobby and subservience of the mass media have further
consolidated a permanent war system. It also fits the needs of the corporate
oligarchy.9
It is interesting to see that even Bernie Sanders doesn’t challenge the
permanent war system, whose spiritual effects and ravenous demands would seem
to make internal reform much more difficult. We may recall Thorstein Veblen’s
more than a century-old description of war-making as having an “unequivocal”
regressive cultural value: “it makes for a conservative animus on the part of
the population” and during wartime “civil rights are in abeyance; and the more
warfare and armament the more abeyance.”
“At the same time war-making directs the popular interest to other, nobler,
institutionally less hazardous matters than the unequal distribution of wealth
or of creature comforts.”10
With a permanent war system in place, the vetting of political candidates and
the budgetary and policy demands of the important institutions dominating the
political economy, war-making and nourishing the Pentagon and other security
state institutions become the highest priorities of top officials of the state.
They all prepare for war on a steady basis and go to war readily, often in
violation of international law and even domestic law. Subversion has long been
global in scope.11 Reagan’s war on Nicaragua, Clinton’s attacks on Yugoslavia
and Iraq, Bush-1’s wars on Panama and Iraq, Bush-2’s wars on Afghanistan, Iraq
and a propagandistic “War on Terror,” and Obama’s wars on Libya, Afghanistan,
Iraq, and many other places, show an impressive continuum and growth..
Mr. Obama’s Cuba and Iran policies deviate to some extent from his record of
power projection by rule of force. In the case of Cuba, the opposition to
recognition of the Cuban reality had diminished and a growing body of
businessmen, officials and pundits, and the international community, considered
the non-recognition and sanctions an obsolete and somewhat discreditable
holdover from the past. It is likely that the new policy recognized the
possibility of “democracy promotion” as a superior route to inducing changes in
Cuba. It should also be noted that the policy change thus far has not included
a lifting of economic sanctions, even though for many years UN Assembly votes
against those sanctions have been in the order of 191-2 (in 2015). A more
immediate factor in the changed policy course may have been the fact that
several Latin American countries threatened to boycott the 2015 OAS Summit if
Cuba was not admitted. As Jane Franklin notes, “Obama had to make a choice. He
could refuse to attend and therefore be totally isolated or he could join in
welcoming Cuba and be a statesman.”12 Obama chose to be a statesman.
In the case of Iran, the new agreement (The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
signed in Vienna on July 14, 2015) was hammered out in an environment in which
Iran had long been made the villain that needed to be constrained. This
followed years of demonizing and pressure on Iran to scale back its nuclear
program, regularly claimed, without evidence, to be aiming at developing
nuclear weapons. U.S. hegemony is nowhere better displayed than in the fact
that Iran was encouraged to develop a nuclear program when ruled by the Shah of
Iran, a U.S.-sponsored dictator, but has been under steady attack for any
nuclear effort whatsoever since his replacement by a regime opposed by the
United States, with the steady cooperation of the UN and “international
community.”
Israel is a major regional rival of Iran, and having succeeded in getting the
United States to turn lesser rivals, Iraq and Libya, into failed states, it has
been extremely anxious to get the United States to do the same to Iran. And
Israel’s leaders have pulled out all the stops in getting its vast array of
U.S. politicians, pundits, intellectuals and lobbying groups to press for a
U.S. military assault on Iran.13 The tensions between the United States and
Iran have been high for years, with a sanctions war already in place. But with
many military engagements in progress, tensions with Russia over Ukraine and Syria
at a dangerous level, and perhaps resentment at the attempted political
bullying by Israeli leaders, the Obama administration chose to negotiate with
Iran rather than fight. The agreement finally arrived at with Iran calls for
more intrusive inspections and some scaling down of Iran’s nuclear program,
while it frees Iran from some onerous sanctions and threats. This was a rare
moment of peace-making, and probably the finest moment in the years of the
King’s rule. Iran is still treated as a menace and in need of close
surveillance. But there was a slowing-down in the drift toward a new and larger
war, allowing the Obama administration to focus more on warring in Iraq and
Syria and taking on any other threat to U.S. national security.
Notes
Mark Landler and Helene Cooper, “From
Bitter Campaign to Strong Alliance,” New York Times, March 19, 2010.
Patrick Cockburn, “Syrian Civil War: Could
Turkey be Gambling on an Invasion?,” Independent, January 30, 2016.
Maximilian Forte, Slouching Toward Sirte,
Baraka Books, 2012.
“Remarks in Prague,” April 5, 2009
William Broad and David Sanger, “As U.S.
Modernizes Nuclear Weapons, ‘Smaller’ Leaves Some Uneasy,” New York Times,
January 11, 2016.
Andrew C. Weber, former director of the
Nuclear Weapons Council
For a broader discussion of this new
nuclear threat, see Lawrence Wittner, “The Frightening Prospect of a Nuclear
War Is About to Become a Lot More Likely,” History News Network, January 2016;
Jonathan Marshall, “Learning to Love—and Use—the Bomb,” Consortiumnews, January
23, 2016.
Jonathan Marshall notes ironically that
“America’s public sector is apparently too strapped financially even to provide
safe drinking water to some of its residents.”
Jeffrey A. Winters. Oligarchy, Cambridge
University Press, 2011
The Theory of Business Enterprise, Charles
Scribner’s, 1904, 391
See Philip Agee’s Inside the Company and
William Blum’s Killing Hope.for massive and compelling details.
Jane Franklin, Cuba and the U.S. Empire: A
Chronological History, Monthly Review Press, April 2016.,
James Petras, “The Centerpiece of US
Foreign Policy Struggle,” Dissident
Voice, August 12, 2015
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