Italian politics have been frozen more or less solid for the past three decades. Now, for the first time an entirely new force has broken through the ramparts of complacency which surround the established political forces of the right and left – Italy’s Dems and Republicans. The names may change, but the policies and the personalities stay the same. Until now, that is.
Grillo’s home-made anti-party is the first new political force of genuine popular substance to appear in substantial strength anywhere in Europe, since the nativity of the Greens – beginning in Germany – 30 years ago. Some may dispute my use of the word ‘substance’ on the grounds that the political agenda of the Five Star Movement seems somewhat vague when it comes to dogma. I urge them to think again. A quarter of the electorate in Italy are actually saying something of genuine significance, which is likely to create a groundswell right around Europe. And that is the reason why the increasingly nervous elites feel the ground shaking beneath their feet.
Grillo and his young novices speak for a new generation who have heard all they want to hear about the glories of the European Union, the miracle known as the euro, the majestic dominance of globalism in their everyday lives represent by the accursed austerity programme which is close to destroying the social fabric of Italy – the brilliant public health service, the schools and universities (and learning in general), the excellent public transport system, social services which are the envy of her neighbors.
The ‘Italian Sickness’ touted by the drones of the corporate media is inflicted by the fearsome Three Horsemen of Apocalypse Now – the EU, the IMF and the European Central Bank. Last autumn this splendid cabal ganged up on Silvio Berlusconi, forcing him to resign in favor of an EU-designated czar called Mario Monti. He promptly kicked in the daylight robbery called austerity, which has destroyed the savings and pensions of millions of Italians, forcing living standards to their lowest level for almost half a century.
Monti, an ex-EU commissar, teacher’s pet of Fuherina Angela Merkel, demonstrated all too clearly throughout his brief reign that he would not recognize ordinary Italians or their concerns should he by some cruel accident of fate meet them in the street. Yet, such was the arrogance of this dry as dust economist, a perpetual revolving ornament on the carousel of Euro-Power, he actually came to believe in himself. This was the same mistake that Benito Mussolini made long before him.
Monti and his puppet party were promptly shown the door. Less than ten per cent of the electorate – roughly representing all the market makers and shakers crammed into the over-heated financial capital, Milan – voted for him.
Of course the world cowers (meaning the markets and the Brussels bureaucracy) at the astonishing performance of the ultimate Come Back Kid, the legendary Bongo Bongo Man Silvio Berlusconi. You need not admire, even less respect Berlusconi in order to recognize a genuine class performance before your very eyes. Six months ago he was written off as a dead-beat gigolo. Now here he is, back from the wilderness. His latest political foundation came within a whisker, literally, of winning the election and sending the cheesy old geezer back for a fifth term at the Quirinale Palace. He finished 0.4% behind the quasi-socialists in the struggle for the Senate and forced a dead heat in the Chamber.
Although this is very hard for foreigners to understand, Berlusconi enjoys the status of something close to a national treasure in his homeland. All the capers with his various floozies serve only to stir the feverish blood of Italian males, so many finding themselves trapped in love-lorn marriages where the flowers of passion faded long ago. Surveys suggest that half the men in the country resort to the services of a prostitute on a regular basis in order to escape the nunneries in which they find themselves at home.
It is the same with Berlusconi’s endless dodging and weaving through the courts concerning tax evasion in his massive media empire. Suffering as they are from the lash of the dictator Monti’s tax hikes (utility bills have more than doubled, while incomes fell close to 5%), his antics simply incite envy. And every Italian knows perfectly well that while the Little People will be taken to the cleaners by Italy’s equivalent of the IRS, the all powerful Mafia remain as they always have been, the eternal Untouchables.
The blundering undemocratic globalista’s imposition of Monti is directly responsible for the flowering of the Italian Tea Party in the shape of Grillo’s 5 Star Movement and for good measure the resurrection from the dead of Lazarus Berlusconi. As for the main party of the left, the Italian Dems, they wrote their own death sentence with a manifesto dedicated to continuing austerity and the veiled hint of an alliance with Monti’s stunted ranks. The party’s leader, the incredibly dull Luigi Barsani, came across as less exciting than a stale pizza.
What next? The political system in Italy is now stymied. Grillo’s merry band will not visibly lift a finger to aid either Berlusconi or Barsani, so hated austerity is becalmed. Actually, that may not prove entirely the case since Grillo and Berlusconi jointly have everything to gain from Barsani ploughing on regardless and thus digging his own hole in which to inter the Dems even deeper. The other side of that coin is the blow back from attacking the Grillo movement, which will largely serve to incite even greater support for the chief bastion of resistance.
This will be the first serious test for Grillo, since he cannot in any circumstances be seen to aid the parties he has railed against for the last ten years as corrupt and self-perpetuating. Although there is now a considerable shortage of mud in Italy after the exhausting efforts of the recent election, he needs to ensure that Barsani and Berlusconi are principally engaged in throwing what remains at each other. The is extremely close to a repetition of the ‘clean hands’ – mano puliti – mood which struck in Italy in the 80’s, resulting in the collapse of the long-ruling Christian Democrats.
Grillo himself, having led the Charge of the Light Brigade, was not a candidate, so will not be sitting in the front line so to speak. He ruled himself out because of a conviction in a car accident some years ago. He states firmly that no-one should be elected to public office if found guilty of a serious offence. But undoubtedly he will be the Éminence Grise guiding the youngsters that he has raised up from nowhere to take the tiller of their country.
Much will depend on who emerges as the parliamentary leader. Many names are in the hat. Grillo has handed down the tablet stating that the elected party caucus will select its leader and that he will not interfere. He is a sufficiently astute politician however to know that the caucus will throw up a leadership steeped in Grillo’s values, particularly since the term of this parliament may be brief. The Movimento needs to hammer home its assaults on corruption and exploitation by the established political elites, the indecency of policies imposed by the money markets and the EU, not least throwing open the shutters of Italian politics to great gusts of desperately needed fresh air.
The general mood in Italy is the feeling everywhere that politics are at last exciting, uncertain and unpredictable, a profound sense that Italians themselves have spoken, loud and clear. There is a sense that the giovanni – the young ones – are in a mood to Take Back Italy. If they succeed, the consequences may be astonishing: but always remember that terrible tendency of revolutions to ultimately consume their own. The Movimento honeymoon with the Italian people might yet prove tragically brief.
Certainly the forces of counter-attack are already amassing. Italy has a long history of political violence. In my recent work on that subject I have pointed to the famous ‘strategy of tension’ of the 1970’s and 80’s, another time of great political crisis. This was a deadly period of bombings, shootings and massacres of perfectly innocent people, invariably blamed on urban guerillas calling themselves the Red Brigades. We know now that much of the violence was orchestrated by the deep state in cahoots with neo-fascists and organized crime, designed to scare Italians back to the arms of safe right wing governments, hence ‘strategy of tension.’
Those who now feel most aggrieved at Grillo’s usurpation will not rest lightly. Grillo himself makes frequent public references to the crimes committed for political aims in times past. He knows full well to look over his shoulders on a constant basis.
This article has not been edited due to time constraints, if you find any errors, please let me know.
Richard Cottrell is a writer, journalist and former European MP (Conservative)
Source
No comments:
Post a Comment