KernowDamo: Germany’s been dragged to the International Court of Justice over arms exports to Israel — after a genocide risk was already confirmed.
Right, so Germany, the state that built its post-war identity on the promise of “Never Again,” is now defending itself at the International Court of Justice for continuing to arm a state the Court has already said is putting Palestinians at serious risk of genocide. And it’s not a misunderstanding, it’s not confusion, it’s not some bureaucratic tangle. Germany knew the ruling, knew the risk, and signed the export licences anyway. That’s on the record.
Now Nicaragua has dragged them to The Hague, not to accuse them of pulling the trigger, but of supplying the ammunition once the law said stop.
And the worst part? They’re not even arguing they did prevent genocide. They’re arguing that nobody should be allowed to ask if they did. And that tells you everything.
Right, so the break did not come from activism, protest, journalism or political speech. It came from the International Court of Justice, in the language only the Court uses, when it stated that the Palestinian population in Gaza is facing a serious risk of genocide. This was issued in January 2024 as part of the provisional measures in the case brought by South Africa. The phrasing matters. The ICJ does not use the word genocide unless the evidentiary threshold of risk is met, no matter how many world leaders quibble over that. That threshold is not rhetorical, it is not emotional. It is legal. It rests on patterns of k*lling, patterns of displacement, patterns of destruction of civilian infrastructure, and statements and conduct from state officials that indicate the targeting of a protected group.
Once the Court identified a serious risk of genocide, the Genocide Convention became active. The Convention does not only prohibit states from committing genocide. It requires states to prevent genocide wherever they have the capacity to influence events. This duty is binding on all parties to the Convention. There are no special exemptions for strategic alliances, historical identity narratives, or claims of security necessity. The obligation is absolute: if a state has the ability to act, it must act to prevent genocide once the risk has been recognised.
Germany is a state that has such capacity. It is not a bystander. It is not merely an observer. It is a material supplier of weapons, equipment and military assistance to Israel. That is documented in Germany’s own arms export licensing data. Over a twenty-year period, from 2003 to 2023, the German state authorised more than three billion euros in military exports to Israel across thousands of individual licences.
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