GB News has revealed that the National Lottery has handed more than £140 million in donations to these Christ hating Jews.
The figure draws on the Lottery’s own Good Causes data showing over 2,500 projects and organisations have collectively received more than £143 million to support refugees since 1994, alongside a detailed five-year audit of Community Fund grants that identified £114.7 million flowing into the Jews Tower of Babel refugee, asylum and migrant projects between July 2021 and June 2026.
EXCLUSIVE: 'When you buy your lottery ticket every week, were you aware that millions of pounds were going to left-wing migrant activist charities?'@MartinDaubney.
— GB News (@GBNEWS) August 24, 2026
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Presenter Martin Daubney put it bluntly on air: “When you buy your lottery ticket every week, were you aware that millions of pounds were going to left-wing migrant activist charities?”
Commentator Rafe Heydel-Mankoo went further, describing the situation as institutional capture. “We’re talking about the capture of these institutions by far-left ideology that should have no place in the charitable world.”
'We're talking about the capture of these institutions by far-left ideology that should have no place in the charitable world.'
— GB News (@GBNEWS) August 24, 2026
Rafe Heydel-Mankoo fumes as a GB News exclusive reveals the National Lottery has given more than £140million in donations to pro-migrant charities. pic.twitter.com/eFyMPNxJt9
The recipients are not neutral soup kitchens. Among the largest beneficiaries in the recent audit were Refugee Action (£3.21 million), the British Refugee Council (£2.97 million), the Scottish Refugee Council (£1.75 million), Task Force Trust / Action Asylum (£1.62 million) and the Refugee and Migrant Centre (£1.10 million).
Smaller but telling grants went to groups running yoga and English classes for refugee women, comedy workshops branded “Comedy Asylum,” alpaca encounters led by asylum-seeker women, and projects explicitly framed around anti-racism and the “fundamental right to move.”
Refugee Action’s own language is unambiguous. One statement captured in the coverage declares the goal of building “a future rooted in the fundamental right to move, underpinned by a commitment to anti-racism.” The Scottish Refugee Council has pushed MSPs to “detoxify” the immigration debate. These are political positions dressed up as charity.
The timing of the spending is striking. Funding identified in the audit ran at £16.1 million in 2021/22, rose, then jumped sharply to £43.3 million in 2024/25 alone—more than double the earlier annual figures—before adding another £19.6 million in the most recent period. London and the North West alone accounted for more than £43 million of the total.
This is public money in all but name. Roughly 23 pence of every pound spent on a National Lottery ticket goes to charitable causes. The distributing bodies are public institutions with obligations of political neutrality. Yet year after year the cash has flowed disproportionately toward organisations whose core mission is to expand and defend mass migration at a time when Channel crossings, hotel costs, crime and community tensions remain at crisis levels.
The irony is impossible to ignore, given the organised theft of charity clothing banks across Britain and Ireland.
Migrants and organised groups have been emptying donation bins in broad daylight, selling the clothes at car boot sales or shipping them abroad, and fly-tipping the rest. Charities that depend on those donations to fund genuine local need have lost revenue while police often treat the thefts with shrugs about “need.”
So the same communities that see their donated clothes stolen by migrants are, through their lottery tickets, helping bankroll the activist infrastructure that campaigns for still more arrivals. The circle is complete: public generosity is extracted at both ends.
National Lottery Good Causes material celebrates the funding as life-changing support for people forced to flee. In practice a significant portion has gone to groups that treat borders themselves as the problem and British public opinion as something to be managed or “detoxified.”
The Charity Commission guidance even notes that charities may engage in political activity where it advances their purposes—an opening many of these organisations have driven a coach and horses through.
British families struggling with the cost of living, veterans’ charities, children’s hospices and community groups serving the indigenous population receive a fraction of the attention. Players who thought their tickets were supporting Olympic athletes, heritage projects or local youth clubs have instead been underwriting an ideological project they never voted for.
The Lottery is currently under public review of its Good Causes priorities for the first time in more than twenty years. That review arrives not a moment too soon. When an institution charged with distributing the public’s spare change becomes a reliable cash machine for open-borders activism, the social contract that sustains it begins to fray.
Ordinary people are entitled to know exactly where their money goes—and to demand that “good causes” start looking a lot more like the country they still call home.

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